Category: FORIEGN NEWS


Stone-throwing youths have clashed with the police in the Kenyan city of Mombasa, Kenya’s second biggest city, in a second day of violence prompted by the killing of a Muslim religious leader accused by the US of helping fighters in Somalia.

Police fired tear gas and warning shots on Tuesday as youths barricaded streets with burning tyres in the predominantly Muslim neighbourhood of Majengo.

Youth also threw a grenade at a police truck, wounding 16 police officers, two of them critically.

Mobs moved around Mombasa’s city centre, taunting police who arrested some of the protesters, who are members of the city’s Muslim minority.

Shopkeepers reported looting in some areas of Mombasa, a tourist hub and major Indian Ocean port.

The unrest began after armed men killed Aboud Rogo Mohamed on Monday, spraying his car with bullets in an attack many Muslims in Mombasa blamed on the police, who denied involvement.

Rogo was the spiritual leader of the Muslim Youth Centre (MYC), a group viewed as a close ally of Somalia’s armed Islamist group, al-Shabab.

One person was killed in riots on Monday when protesters torched some churches, raising fears that the unrest may become more sectarian in a city where grenade attacks blamed on Somali fighters and their sympathisers have already strained Muslim-Christian relations.

Police and Muslim leaders had described the church burnings as impulsive, not premeditated. On Tuesday, the gangs of youths appeared to focus their anger more on the police.

“This kind of violence goes against our faith. The protesters shouldn’t hide behind Islam or any of its teachings”

– Adan Wachu, secretary-general
Supreme Council of Muslims in Kenya

Church leaders scrapped plans for a peaceful march for fear it might incite further clashes in a country where overall relations with minority Muslims have been relatively good.

The Supreme Council of Muslims in Kenya condemned the violence, especially the targeting of churches.

“This kind of violence goes against our faith. The protesters shouldn’t hide behind Islam or any of its teachings,” Adan Wachu, the council’s secretary-general, said. “These are criminals and should be treated as such.”

Kenyan police appealed on Tuesday to the public for information on Rogo’s killing. Raila Odinga, Kenya’s prime minister, has condemned the “horrific” murder, adding the government was “committed to bringing whoever was responsible to justice”.

Rogo had been accused by the UN of using the MYC group as “a pathway for radicalisation and recruitment of principally Swahili-speaking Africans for carrying out violent militant activity in Somalia”.

He is also alleged to have introduced Fazul Abdullah Mohammed – the late head of al-Qaeda’s East Africa cell, shot dead last year in Somalia’s war-torn capital Mogadishu – to at least one of the men who helped him carry out the twin US embassy bombings in 1998.

The bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam killed 224 people.

Al-Shabab appeal

Al-Shabab, for its part, urged Kenyan Muslims on Tuesday to protect their religion at all costs and boycott next year’s presidential election. It condemned what it called a “witch-hunt” against Muslims by the Kenyan authorities

Mitt Romney officially clinched the GOP presidential nomination on Tuesday to move a step closer in his five-year quest for the White House.

To roaring cheers at the Republican National Convention in the packed Tampa Bay Times Forum, the delegation from New Jersey put Romney above the 1,144-delegate threshold, ensuring he will be the GOP challenger to President Barack Obama in November.

Earlier, the 2,200-plus convention delegates approved a conservative platform that called for less government, opposed same-sex marriage and endorsed a “human life amendment” to ban abortion with no specific exceptions for cases of rape, incest or when the mother’s life is threatened.

Romney and his running mate, Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, will be formally nominated on Thursday, and Romney’s acceptance speech that night will conclude the convention that had its agenda delayed by Hurricane Isaac, which hit Louisiana as early evening speakers addressed the delegates.

Republican officials appeared determined to stick to a tightened three-day schedule that kicked into full gear earlier in the day with official business and speeches accusing Obama of failed leadership and undermining the American dream.

Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus launched the litany of attacks, saying that another term for Obama and Vice President Joe Biden will mean “four more years of failure.”

In reference to Obama, Priebus said “he hasn’t even run a garage sale or seen the inside of a lemonade stand.” The nation needs a president “with real experience in a real economy,” Priebus added. “Mitt Romney will be that president.”

Other speakers continued the effort by Priebus to frame the election as a referendum on the policies of Obama.

“The American people are still asking ‘where are the jobs,’ but President Obama only offers excuses instead of answers,” House Speaker John Boehner told the delegates. “His record is a shadow of his rhetoric. Yet he has the nerve to say that he’s moving us forward, and the audacity to hope that we’ll believe him.”

Boehner also said “we can do better,” adding that “it starts with throwing out the politician who doesn’t get it, and electing a new president who does.”

MASSACRE BY SYRIAN REGIME

The Syrian civil war reached new heights of brutality on Sunday with government troops accused of massacring civilians a few miles from Damascus on a weekend which saw one of the worst reported death tolls in 17 months of conflict.

Opposition groups claimed more than 200 bodies had been found in Daraya, a poor Sunni community on the south-west outskirts of the capital, after Syrian troops had stormed the town on Saturday, going door to door in what President Bashar al-Assad’s regime described as a counter-terrorism operation. Opposition and human rights activists claimed many of the dead were civilians.

A New York Times employee in Daraya reported seeing “scores of bodies lined up on top of each other in long thin graves moist with mud”.

The paper quoted a 40-year-old resident, Abu Ahmad, as saying: “The Assad forces killed them in cold blood … I saw dozens of dead people, killed by the knives at the end of Kalashnikovs, or by gunfire. The regime finished off whole families, a father, mother and their children. They just killed them without any pretext.”

The claimed death toll could not be independently verified, but if confirmed, it would be the worst single massacre of the civil war.

With the world’s major powers still divided on how to respond to the bloodletting, Syria’s neighbours took urgent steps to try to stop the violence spreading on to their territory. Turkey temporarily closed its borders to refugees, trapping 2,000 people trying to flee the conflict on the Syrian side of the frontier, until shelters could be built to accommodate them. Jordan appealed for more international aid for looking after more than 160,000 Syrian refugees, who it said were arriving at the rate of 2,000 a day.

The spillover into Lebanon was being held back by a fragile ceasefire in the port city of Tripoli, where Sunni-Shia clashes broke out as a result of the abduction of Lebanese pilgrims by an anti-government militia in Syria, evoking uneasy memories of Lebanon’s own long civil war.

Egypt called for a regional peace conference, including Saudi Arabia and Turkey, both supporters of the Syrian rebels, as well as Assad’s main ally in the Middle East, Iran.

Anxiety over the risks of a regional conflagration deepened further as it became clear that the violence in Syria was intensifying, with more civilians killed. The Local Co-ordination Committees (LCC), an opposition network, claimed that more than 200 bodies had been found in Daraya, and activists circulated a video appearing to show dozens of bodies lined up in dimly lit rooms, described in the commentary as being in the town’s Abu Suleiman al-Durani mosque.

The government, which has rejected previous allegations of atrocities, portrayed the attack as a counter-terrorism operation. “Our heroic armed forces cleansed Daraya from remnants of armed terrorist groups,” the state news agency said.

The junior foreign minister responsible for the Middle East, Alistair Burt, said that if the reports were verified “it would be an atrocity on a new scale, requiring unequivocal condemnation from the entire international community”.

The storming of Daraya followed three days of heavy bombardment by government tanks and artillery, which the opposition said killed another 70 people. The offensive appeared to be part of a larger struggle for control of the southern fringe of the capital. Residents said that government tanks on the Damascus ring-road shelled the neighbourhoods of al-Lawwan and Nahr Aisheh late into Saturday night and that there was also heavy fighting in the Ghouta suburbs to the east of the city.

The LCC said forces loyal to Assad had killed 440 people across Syria on Saturday. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a British-based activist group drawing information from a network of monitors across Syria, put the nationwide death toll for the day at 370, including 174 civilians. If confirmed, it would be one of the bloodiest days the country has suffered since the anti-Assad revolt broke out in March 2011.

It was impossible to verify such claims because of severe Syrian government restrictions on independent or foreign media coverage.

A United Nations report this month into an earlier massacre at Houla found that the indiscriminate attacks against civilian populations and other atrocities were “state policy” and claimed Assad’s forces and allied Shabiha militia were involved at the highest levels in “gross violation of international human rights”.

The UN inquiry found that anti-Assad forces had also committed war crimes including “murder, extrajudicial execution and torture” but that these abuses “did not reach the gravity, frequency and scale of those committed by government forces and the Shabiha”.

A new Amnesty International report on the fighting in Aleppo, Syria’s largest city, also found that “the overwhelming majority of victims were killed in air strikes and artillery attacks by government forces”, but it criticised rebels for using imprecise or indiscriminate weapons like mortars and home-made rockets.

Activists in Daraya alleged that most of the victims had been summarily executed by government troops moving from house to house. “Assad’s army has committed a massacre in Daraya,” Abu Kinan, an activist in the town, told Reuters news agency by telephone, using an alias to protect himself from reprisals. “In the last hour, 122 bodies were discovered and it appears that two dozen died from sniper fire and the rest were summarily executed by gunshots from close range,” he said.

The activist said he witnessed the death of an eight-year-old girl, Asma Abu al-Laban, shot by army snipers while she was in a car with her parents. “They were trying to flee the army raids. Three bullets hit her in the back and her parents brought her to a makeshift hospital. Nothing could be done for her,” he said.

A thorough investigation of atrocity claims can only be carried out by the international criminal court in the The Hague if it is given a mandate by the UN security council, but that has been blocked by Russia, the Assad regime’s principal backer and arms supplier, together with China. Moscow and Beijing have also vetoed resolutions threatening Assad with sanctions for non-compliance with a peace plan backed by the UN and the Arab League. The last UN monitors in Damascus left earlier this month when the security council failed to agree on a new mandate for them.

Western officials say they have largely given up on security council diplomacy and are stepping up their assistance to the fragmented opposition, though they say that assistance stops short of weapons. Saudi Arabia and Qatar are reported to be shipping arms to rebel groups, however, as the conflict continues to escalate.

Egypt became the latest country to offer its services as a peace broker, calling for a regional conference on the crisis, aimed at bridging the Sunni-Shia divide. The new Egyptian president, Mohammad Mursi, is due in Tehran for a meeting of more than 120 countries in the Non-Aligned Movement this week. He will be the first Egyptian leader to visit Iran since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

While Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar have all backed the mainly Sunni Free Syria Army rebels, Iran’s Revolutionary Guard forces have fought alongside Assad’s forces. Syria’s vice president Farouq al-Sharaa met an Iranian delegation on Sunday, according to Syria’s state news agency, marking his first appearance in several weeks. It put an end to opposition rumours that he had defected.

In the increasingly daunting search for a diplomatic solution, the UN and Arab League have appointed a new special envoy, a veteran Algerian diplomat, Lakhdar Brahimi, after the resignation of the former UN secretary general Kofi Annan. On Friday, Brahimi declared himself “honoured, flattered, humbled and scared” to be given the job.

Escalating violence

February 1-8 More than 100 killed in shelling of Homs

March17 Bombs in Damascus kill more than 30

April 25 Dozens killed in rocket strike on the city of Hama, central Syria

May10 At least 50 die in bomb attacks at intelligence building in Damascus

May 25 More than 100 people, including children, killed in Houla, western Syria

June 6 Around 80 people killed at Qubair, near Houla

July 13 Dozens of people killed in the village of Tremseh

July 18 Suicide bomber kills senior defence and security officials in Damascus

August 25 Regime accused of killing 200 at Daraya in suburban Damascus

A US jury has ruled for electronics giant Apple in its huge smartphone patent infringement case involving South Korean competitor Samsung.

Samsung has vowed to appeal the verdict all the way to the US Supreme Court if need be, arguing that Apple’s patents for such “obvious” things as rounded rectanglar shapes were wrongly granted. A September 20 hearing is scheduled.

After a year of fierce litigation, a jury decided on Friday that Samsung copied the innovative technology used by Apple to create its iPhone and iPad devices.

Samsung has been ordered to pay $1.051bn to Apple in damages, according to the verdict reached by the jury in San Jose, California.

In its legal case filed last year, Apple Inc had demanded $2.5bn while accusing Samsung of copying the design technology of iPhones and iPads. Samsung had also filed counterclaims, accusing Apple of infringing on some of its wireless patents.

During closing arguments at the trial, Samsung attorney Charles Verhoeven called Apple’s demand ridiculous and asked the jury to award Samsung $399 million in connection with the countersuits.

Speaking to Al Jazeera, Alfred Siew, a Singapore-based technology reporter, said that the patents the iOS-maker has accused Samsung of deliberately copying were too general.

These are “really generic patents – the shape of a phone, the design to unlock a screen – these are really generic types of patents that could very easily be infringed by many companies”, Siew said.

The two companies lead the $219bn market for smartphones and computer tablets. They are enmeshed in similar legal cases in the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia.

In a statement released after the verdict was read, Samsung called the decision “a loss for the American consumer” because it would stifle innovation and push up prices.

“This is not the final word in this case or in battles being waged in courts and tribunals around the world, some of which
have already rejected many of Apple’s claims,” the statement said.

Referring to the nature of Apple’s claims, Siew told Al Jazeera that it was indeed true that “consumers now probably have even less of a choice than before” as both firms accounted for nearly half of all mobile phone sales in the world.

The verdict could lead to an outright ban on sales of key Samsung products, and may solidify Apple’s dominance of the smartphone and mobile computing market.

Apple said after the verdict that it would be filing a sales injunction against Samsung within the next seven days.

However, referring to a case in which Apple lost a similar case against fellow Android phone-maker HTC, Siew said “this ruling is quite unique to the US”, and that Samsung was still free to sell its products in Europe, Asia and elsewhere.

A number of companies such as Samsung that sell smartphones based on Google’s Android operating system may now face further legal challenges from Apple, a company that is already among the largest and most profitable in business history.

The jury deliberated for less than three days before delivering the verdict on seven Apple patent claims and five Samsung patent claims.

Shares in Apple, which just this week became the biggest company by market value in history, climbed almost two per cent to a record high of $675 in after-hours trade.

Brian Love, a Santa Clara law school professor, described it as a crushing victory for Apple: “This is the best-case scenario Apple could have hoped for.”

He said that Judge Lucy Koh, who presided over the case, could potentially triple Apple’s damages award, since the jury found that Samsung had “willfully” infringed on five of seven patents. 

Apple’s position was that Samsung had willfully copied its products when designing its own range of tablets and Android-powered smartphones. Samsung’s lawyers argued that Apple did not have patent rights over rectangular devices with large screens and rounded corners.

Earlier on Friday, a South Korean court found that both companies shared blame, ordering Samsung to stop selling 10
products including its Galaxy S II phone and banning Apple from selling four different products, including its iPhone 4.
But the trial on Apple’s home turf – the world’s largest and most influential technology market – is considered the most
important.

The companies are rivals, but also have a $5 billion-plus supply relationship. Apple is Samsung’s biggest customer for microprocessors and other parts central to Apple’s devices.

Earlier this year, sales of Samsung’s smartphones outstripped Apple’s for the first time. Together, the two companies account for more than half of all global smartphone sales.

KAZAN, Russia – A string of violent attacks by Islamic militants has shattered this city’s reputation as a citadel of religious tolerance and unnerved federal officials in Moscow, who have worked for decades to prevent the spread of radical Islam out of the southern borderlands and into places like this city 500 miles east of Moscow.

Officials have long sought to contain Islamic fervor in the Caucasus to the south while insisting that places like the republic of Tatarstan, where Kazan is the capital, were different, representing a moderate “Russian Islam,” said Aleksei Malashenko, the co-chairman of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s religion, society and security program.

But that comfortable assumption began to crumble just before the start of Ramadan in late July, when a senior cleric in charge of education was shot outside his apartment building on Zarya Street. Roughly an hour later, the city’s chief mufti survived a bomb attack that demolished his Toyota Land Cruiser. A previously unheard-of group, the mujahedeen of Tatarstan, claimed responsibility.

On Sunday, a car carrying three men, an automatic rifle and Islamic pamphlets blew up in Zelenodolsk, about a half-hour west of Kazan, in what the authorities described as the inadvertent detonation of a homemade explosive. “That radical direction exists in Tatarstan,” Mr. Malashenko said. “And it’s dangerous.”

The apparent rise of Islamic militancy could have far-ranging effects on foreign and domestic policy, as the Kremlin increasingly looks for ways to promote moderate Islam and quash radical movements at home and abroad.

Uncertainty over how to address the danger has left the authorities wavering, with some favoring a crackdown, including arrests in Kazan of dozens of Muslim men suspected of extremist ties and pressure on local imams thought to shelter such views in their mosques. Others call for more subtle techniques, like the state-supported creation of Russia’s first Muslim television channel, which began broadcasting last week on the country’s largest cable network.

Russian Islamic leaders, long viewed as beholden to the government, are under mounting pressure to demonstrate political and religious independence, and tend to the needs of a community reshaped by immigration from Central Asia, increasing religiosity among younger generations and closer ties to the rest of the Muslim world made possible by travel and the Internet.

“All over the world, we can watch bloodshed, civil wars, changing of power, changes of political systems, confrontations of various religious groups, confrontations of various political systems and interests,” said Sheik Ravil Gainutdin, the chairman of the Council of Muftis of Russia. “The Muslims of Russia are watching very attentively.”

In a country with 20 million Muslims, two million in Moscow alone, that sort of attention has had divergent effects on Russian foreign policy. It has reinforced Moscow’s support of Palestinian statehood, which dates to cold war jockeying between the Soviet Union and the United States. Kremlin news releases typically refer to “Palestine,” and Russia supports United Nations membership for the Palestinian government. On Friday, Sheik Gainutdin led a national day of prayer in support of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, which has become an annual tradition.

Russia’s leaders have also adopted a nuanced view of Hamas, regarding it as a social service organization and a legitimate political player in the region and dismissing allegations of hypocrisy from Israel, which has equated Hamas with the Chechen militants whom Mr. Putin routinely denounces as terrorists.

While these positions are in concert with the views of the Muslim community back home, the Russian government has also strongly favored state sovereignty, even if exercised by dictators, over self-determination in Libya, Egypt and most pointedly in Syria, where it has described the anti-Assad rebels as lawbreakers. It is a stance that could alienate young, more fervent Muslims already suspicious of Moscow’s efforts to limit their religiosity, but it also leaves no doubt how the Kremlin will react to any hint of rebellion within its own borders.

In an interview, Sheik Gainutdin said that Mr. Putin and other leaders had been largely supportive of the Muslim community, but he said that Moscow city officials were risking a conflagration by not doing more to address an acute shortage of mosques. He has often noted that Beijing has 70 mosques for 250,000 Muslims while Moscow has just 4 for two million.

Privately, many Muslim officials blame the Russian Orthodox Church, which is increasingly close to the Kremlin, for blocking efforts to acquire property for new mosques in the capital.

Sheik Gainutdin also went out of his way to praise the United States State Department for defending religious freedom around the world including in Russia, hardly a talking point endorsed by the Kremlin. He attributed the attacks in Kazan in part to a failure of leadership on the part of the wounded chief mufti, who he said had failed to adapt to the rising demands from younger, more fervent Muslim believers.

Still, he condemned the violence and said that rising extremism posed a real challenge.

“Unfortunately such radical groups do exist,” he said. “Thus, the politicians, authorities, official Muslim clergy face a question: What is to be done with these ideologically versed Muslims?”

In a sign of the Kremlin’s sensitivity, Mr. Putin immediately sent a telegram to Muslim leaders in Tatarstan to express condolences and concern about the attacks. “These events remind us once again that the situation in our country is far from ideal,” he said in a statement, adding, “What has happened is a serious signal.”

What followed in Kazan was a swift and at times seemingly indiscriminate crackdown. Dozens of Muslim men were rounded up and arrested. Most have since been released, while the authorities continue to search for suspects, including one man believed to have appeared in a video made by the mujahedeen of Tatarstan.

The wounded chief mufti resigned and has been temporarily replaced by a young cleric largely viewed as a pawn of the regional government.

Some local imams say they have been visited by the police and prosecutors and warned that they are under investigation for extremism.

Gabdulla-Khazrat Galiullin, a former chief mufti in Kazan, who is now imam of the 160-year-old Nurulla mosque, said he had been visited by the authorities and warned that he and his mosque were under suspicion of extremism. Sitting in his office in the mosque basement, wearing a white skullcap and flowing white robe, Mr. Galiullin said that the response by the authorities was heavy-handed.

“They moved with a scythe instead of pulling out only the weeds,” he said. “It is impossible to arrest so many people without having a list prepared in advance.”

Unlike many traditional Tatar mosques, which are empty between prayer services, Mr. Galiullin’s mosque represents the new, increasing religiosity. Even between prayers, it is a nonstop hub of activity. In the main hall, some worshipers chat in small groups, while others nap, and still others surf the Web on laptops. Mr. Galiullin admitted to smoking cigarettes – a sin, he noted – and scoffed at the suggestion that he is a radical. He has hired a lawyer.

But he warned that unjustified arrests, and efforts by the security services to control local religious leaders, would prompt a backlash and potentially provoke the extremism it is intended to prevent. “It’s quite easy to bring people to extremes,” he said. “To start a fire, only one match is needed.”

Domestically, the Russian government is already wrestling with an uprising of a different disgruntled minority – urban, middle-class liberals – which could further limit the patience of the authorities. There are signs that the government may use the same tools against Muslims that it has used against the white-ribbon-wearing liberals.

On Wednesday, officials said two imams in Kazan were under investigation for possibly violating a tough new law barring unsanctioned protests, for having given speeches to worshipers in a park at the end of Ramadan.

By Paul Duggan –

Neil Armstrong, the astronaut who marked an epochal achievement in exploration with “one small step” from the Apollo 11 lunar module on July 20, 1969, becoming the first person to walk on the moon, died Aug. 25 in the Cincinnati area. He was 82.

His family announced the death in a statement and attributed it to “complications resulting from cardiovascular procedures.”

A taciturn engineer and test pilot who was never at ease with his fame, Mr. Armstrong was among the most heroized Americans of the 1960s Cold War space race. “That’s one small step for man, one giant leap for mankind,” he is noted for saying as he stepped on the moon.

Twelve years after the Soviet Sputnik satellite reached space first, deeply alarming U.S. officials, and after President John F. Kennedy in 1961 declared it a national priority to land an American on the moon “before this decade is out,” Mr. Armstrong, a former Navy fighter pilot, commanded the NASA crew that finished the job.

His trip to the moon — particularly the hair-raising final descent from lunar orbit to the treacherous surface — was history’s boldest feat of aviation. Yet what the experience meant to him, what he thought of it all on an emotional level, he mostly kept to himself.

Like his boyhood idol, transatlantic aviator Charles A. Lindbergh, Mr. Armstrong learned how uncomfortable the intrusion of global acclaim can be. And just as Lindbergh had done, he eventually shied from the public and avoided the popular media.

In time, he became almost mythical.

Mr. Armstrong was “exceedingly circumspect” from a young age, and the glare of international attention “just deepened a personality trait that he already had in spades,” said his authorized biographer, James R. Hansen, a former NASA historian.

In an interview, Hansen, author of “First Man: The Life of Neil A. Armstrong,” cited another “special sensitivity” that made the first man on the moon a stranger on Earth.

“I think Neil knew that this glorious thing he helped achieve for the country back in the summer of 1969 — glorious for the entire planet, really — would inexorably be diminished by the blatant commercialism of the modern world,” Hansen said.

“And I think it’s a nobility of his character that he just would not take part in that.”

A love of flying

The perilous, 195-hour journey that defined Mr. Armstrong’s place in history — from the liftoff of Apollo 11 on July 16, 1969, to the capsule’s splashdown in the Pacific eight days later — riveted the world’s attention, transcending cultural, political and generational divides in an era of profound social tumult and change in the United States.

As Mr. Armstrong, a civilian, and his crewmates, Air Force pilots Edwin E. “Buzz” Aldrin Jr. and Michael Collins, hurtled through space, television viewers around the globe witnessed a drama of spellbinding technology and daring. About a half-billion people listened to the climactic landing and watched a flickering video feed of the moon walk.

At center stage, cool and focused, was a pragmatic, 38-year-old astronaut who would let social critics and spiritual wise men dither over the larger meaning of his voyage. When Mr. Armstrong occasionally spoke publicly about the mission in later decades, he usually did so dryly, his recollections mainly operational.

“I am, and ever will be, a white-socks, pocket-protector, nerdy engineer,” he said at a millennial gathering honoring the greatest engineering achievements of the 20th century. Unlike Aldrin and Collins, Mr. Armstrong never published a memoir.

After flying experimental rocket planes in the 1950s at Edwards Air Force Base in California — the high-desert realm of daredevil test pilots later celebrated in author Tom Wolfe’s “The Right Stuff” — Mr. Armstrong was selected for NASA’s astronaut corps in 1962 and became the first U.S. civilian to be blasted into space.

In 1966, during his only space flight other than Apollo 11, a life-threatening malfunction of his Gemini 8 vehicle caused the craft to tumble out of control in Earth orbit. It was the nation’s first potentially fatal crisis in space, prompting Mr. Armstrong and his crewmate to abort their mission and carry out NASA’s first emergency reentry.

His skill and composure were put to no greater test, though, than in the anxious minutes starting at 4:05 p.m. Eastern time on Sunday, July 20, 1969. That was when the lunar module carrying Mr. Armstrong and Aldrin, having separated from the Apollo 11 capsule, began its hazardous, 9-mile final descent to the moon’s Sea of Tranquility.

Collins, waiting in lunar orbit, could only hope that the two would make it back.

The lunar module, or LM (pronounced lem), was dubbed “Eagle.” Its 1969 computer, overtaxed during the descent and flashing alarm lights as it fell behind on its work, guided the spider-like craft most of the way to the surface.

In the last few thousand feet, however, Mr. Armstrong, looking out a window, saw that the computer had piloted Eagle beyond its targeted landing spot. The craft was headed for a massive crater surrounded by boulders as big as cars.

Mr. Armstrong, as planned, took manual control of the LM at 500 feet. Standing in the cramped cockpit, piloting with a control stick and toggle switch, he maneuvered past the crater while scanning the rugged moonscape for a place to safely put down.

Although the world remembers him best for walking on the moon, Mr. Armstrong recalled his time on the surface as anticlimactic, “something we looked on as reasonably safe and predictable.” Flying the LM was “by far the most difficult and challenging part” of the mission, he told a group of youngsters in a 2007 e-mail exchange.

The “very high risk” descent was “extremely complex,” he wrote, and guiding the craft gave him a “feeling of elation.”

“Pilots take no particular joy in walking,” he once remarked. “Pilots like flying.”

‘One giant leap’

As he and Aldrin kept descending, balanced on a cone of fire 240,000 miles from Earth, the LM’s roaring engine kicked up a fog of moon dust, distorting Mr. Armstrong’s depth perception and clouding his view of the surface.

Meanwhile, the descent engine’s fuel — separate from the fuel that would later power the ascent engine on their departure from the moon — dwindled to a critical level.

“Quantity light,” Aldrin warned at just under 100 feet. This meant that Mr. Armstrong, according to NASA’s instruments, had less than two minutes to ease the LM to the surface or he would have faced a frightful dilemma.

He would have had to abort the descent, ending the mission in failure at a cost of immense national prestige and treasure; or he would have had to risk a sort of crash landing after the fuel ran out — letting the LM fall in lunar gravity the rest of the way down, hoping the slow-motion plunge wouldn’t badly damage it.

Finally, with 50 seconds to spare, the world heard Aldrin say, “Contact light,” and Eagle’s landing gear settled on the lunar soil. Their precarious, 12-minute descent into the unknown left Mr. Armstrong’s pulse pounding at twice the normal rate.

Humanity listened, transfixed. “Houston, Tranquility base here,” Mr. Armstrong reported. “The Eagle has landed.” The response from mission control was filled with relief: “Roger, Tranquility, we copy you on the ground. You got a bunch of guys about to turn blue. We’re breathing again. Thanks a lot.”

About 6 1 / 2 hours later, Mr. Armstrong, soon to be followed by Aldrin, climbed down the ladder outside the LM’s hatch as a television camera mounted on the craft transmitted his shadowy, black-and-white image to hundreds of millions of viewers.

How Mr. Armstrong wound up commanding the historic flight had to do with his abilities and experience, plus a measure of good fortune.

Months earlier, when he had been named Apollo 11 commander, NASA envisioned his mission as the first lunar landing — yet no one could be sure. Three other Apollo flights had to finish preparing the way. If any of them had failed, Apollo 11 would have had to pick up the slack, leaving the momentous first landing to a later crew.

Why the space agency chose Mr. Armstrong, not Aldrin, for the famous first step out of the LM had to do with the two men’s personalities.

Publicly, NASA said the first-step decision was a technical one dictated by where the astronauts would be positioned in the LM’s small cockpit. But in his 2001 autobiography, Christopher C. Kraft Jr., a top NASA flight official, confirmed the true reason.

Aldrin, who would struggle with alcoholism and depression after his astronaut career, was overtly opinionated and ambitious, making it clear within NASA why he thought he should be first. “Did we think Buzz was the man who would be our best representative to the world, the man who would be legend?” Kraft recalled. “We didn’t.”

The stoic Mr. Armstrong, on the other hand, quietly held to his belief that the descent and landing, not the moon walk, would be the mission’s signature achievement. And it didn’t matter to him whether the Earth-bound masses thought differently.

“Neil Armstrong, reticent, soft-spoken and heroic, was our only choice,” Kraft said.

As for his famous statement upon stepping off the ladder, Mr. Armstrong said he didn’t dwell on it much beforehand, that the idea came to him only after the landing.

He would always maintain that he had planned to say “a man.” Whether the “a” was lost in transmission or Mr. Armstrong misspoke has never been fully resolved. As his boots touched the lunar surface at 10:56:15 p.m. Eastern time, the world heard:

“That’s one small step for man, one giant leap for mankind.”

Ever the precise engineer, Mr. Armstrong later said that if it were up to him, history would record his immortal words with an “a” inserted in parenthesis.

The ultimate mission

Neil Alden Armstrong was born Aug. 5, 1930, outside the little farming town of Wapakoneta in western Ohio. From the morning in 1936 when his father, an auditor of county records, let him skip Sunday school so the two could go aloft in a barnstorming Ford Trimotor plane near their home, the boy was hooked on aviation.

He got his pilot’s license on his 16th birthday, before he was legally old enough to go solo in an automobile.

After a few semesters at Purdue University, he left for Navy flight training in 1949, eventually becoming the youngest pilot in his fighter squadron on the aircraft carrier USS Essex. He flew 78 combat missions in the Korean War and was shot down once before his tour of duty ended and he went back to Purdue.

After earning an aeronautical engineering degree in 1955, he joined NASA’s forerunner, the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, and was soon rocketing in the stratosphere, pushing the boundaries of aviation in missile-like research planes.

In 1959, at the beginning of the Mercury project, which would soon blast the first American into space, NASA chose its storied “original seven” astronauts from the ranks of active-duty military fliers. Mr. Armstrong, who was less than enthusiastic about the program, remained at Edwards as a civilian test pilot.

Then, in 1962, his 2-year-old daughter, Karen, died of brain cancer. Mr. Armstrong’s grief “caused him to invest [his] energies in something very positive,” his sister recalled in an interview with Hansen. “That’s when he started into the space program.”

Not long after Karen’s death, when NASA recruited its second group of astronauts, about 250 test pilots applied, and Mr. Armstrong was among the nine who made the cut. Most took part in the Earth-orbiting Gemini missions of the mid-1960s, refining flight procedures that would be needed later in the moon-bound Apollo program.

Mr. Armstrong’s harrowing Gemini 8 flight, in March 1966, was aborted hours into its three-day schedule after the spacecraft began toppling end-over-end, pinwheeling so violently that Mr. Armstrong, the commander, and crewmate David Scott were in danger of blacking out, which almost surely would have been fatal.

A malfunctioning thruster was the culprit. “I gotta cage my eyeballs,” Mr. Armstrong remarked, deadpan, as he and Scott, their vision blurred, struggled to cut short their flight. NASA officials were impressed by Mr. Armstrong’s handling of the crisis, and three years later they entrusted him with command of the ultimate mission.

A very private life

After weeks of hoopla surrounding Apollo 11’s return — a ticker-tape parade, a presidential dinner, a 28-city global goodwill tour — Mr. Armstrong worked in NASA management for two years, then joined the University of Cincinnati’s engineering faculty.

“We were not naive, but we could not have guessed what the volume and intensity of public interest would turn out to be,” he said of his worldwide celebrity.

Over the ensuing decades, Mr. Armstrong, a solitary figure, warded off reporters’ efforts to penetrate his privacy until most gave up or lost interest. Unhappy with faculty unionism, he resigned from the university in 1979 and spent the rest of his working life in business, amassing personal wealth as an investor and a member of corporate boards.

Although he was loathe to exploit his fame, Mr. Armstrong signed on as a pitchman for Chrysler in his waning months as a professor, appearing in ads for the nearly bankrupt automaker, including one that aired during the Super Bowl in January 1979.

He said he agreed to the deal mainly because it involved an engineering consultancy and because he wanted to help a beleaguered U.S. company buffeted by imports and rising foreign oil prices. The arrangement was short-lived, however, and afterward Mr. Armstrong repeatedly turned down opportunities to endorse products.

Hansen, now an aerospace historian at Auburn University, said Mr. Armstrong felt awkward taking credit for the collective success of 400,000 employees of the space agency and its Apollo contractors. In 2003, Hansen recorded 55 hours of interviews with Mr. Armstrong after years of coaxing him to cooperate on a biography.

He was not a recluse, as some labeled him. In 1986, for instance, he was vice chairman of the commission that investigated the explosion of the space shuttle Challenger.

But that was a rare step into the spotlight. As a rule, Mr. Armsrong was extremely choosey about his public appearances, limiting them mostly to aerospace-related commemorative events and to other usually low-key gatherings that piqued his interest, such as meetings of scientific and technical societies.

“The lunar Lindbergh,” he was dubbed for his refusal to grant interviews to journalists. His remoteness also irked some NASA officials, who had vainly hoped that Mr. Armstrong would become a forceful public advocate for the funding of space exploration.

“How long must it take before I can cease to be known as a spaceman?” he once pleaded. Yet by the time he retired in 2002, to leisurely travel and enjoy his grandchildren, the “First Man” finally had outlived the nation’s fascination with him, and he could often walk down a street in blissful anonymity.

His 38-year marriage to the former Janet Shearon ended in divorce in 1994. Later that year, he married Carol Knight, a widowed mother of two teenagers. Besides his wife, survivors include two sons from his first marriage, Eric and Mark; two stepchildren; a brother; a sister; and 10 grandchildren.

“Looking back, we were really very privileged to live in that thin slice of history where we changed how man looks at himself, and what he might become, and where he might go,” Mr. Armstrong said in a 2001 NASA oral history project. “So I’m very thankful.”

Over 40 HIV-postive women who were allegedly sterilized against their will go to court to demand justice and possible compensation.

Mother and daughter in HIV clinic (file photo): Some of the victims say they have endured a life of loneliness and ostracism because they can no longer have children.

The chairperson of the National Gender and Equality Commission Winfred Lichuma who is championing the women’s cause described what happened to the women as “atrocious an infringement of their human rights and contrary to medical ethics.”

“Those responsible should be punished to the fullest extent of the law,” Lichuma said during the launch of a report on coerced sterilization of HIV women by medical personnel. The study was conducted this year in Kakamega and Nairobi.

According to the report, most of the forced sterelisations -75 per cent- were conducted in public hospitals while the rest were carried out in private hospitals. Majority of the women are from low income cadres of society. Most of them claim they were not aware and did not understand what they were being asked to sign as they were in active and difficult labour at the time. Some of the women were also unconscious and could therefore not give consent or are illiterate and were asked to sign a document which turned out to be an authorization for the procedures.

In some instances, some of the women especially those whose operations were done in the public hospitals, were told that the procedure was government mandated for all HIV-positive women. According to the report-Robbed of Choice: Forced and Coerced Sterilization Experiences of Women Living with HIV in Kenya- some of the women were also told threatened with having their supply of anti-retroviral drugs stopped if they did not agree to the operation.

Outrage Over ‘Cash for Contraception’ Offer to HIV Positive Women

Why Sterilise HIV Victims By Force?

Yesterday, some of the women victims- majority of them in their mid-to late-20s narrated how they have had to endure a life of loneliness and ostracism as they could no longer have children. “Most of the men who have approached me for marriage want children. The moment they realize l cannot have babies, they leave,” Ruth Achieng, a survivor of the coerced sterilization who lives in Nairobi’s Kibera slums said.

The women also suffer from other post-sterilisation complications which include the inability to have monthly menstrual cycles apart from marriage break-ups. “Most of these people continue to live in pain silently, as they fear talking about their conditions as a result of stigmatization and discrimination,” Faith Kasiva, the lead researcher of the African Gender and Media Initiative which conducted the survey. She called for an all-inclusive public awareness campaign on reproductive health rights and choices for women living with HIV, to enable them make informed choices.

Lichuma said the commission will push for the rights of the women to get access to their medical records to help them in their court case which will demand among others, a reversal of the operation or compensation where this is not possible. Forced sterilisation is also considered a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute and is prosecutable by the International Criminal Court. The issue of forced sterilization is neither small nor new in African according to the international lobby group, Stop Torture in Health. There are several cases pending before the courts in Zambia, South Africa, Malawi and Nambinia.

Just last month, a court in Namibia ruled it was illegal for the government to sterilize without their consent, three HIV-positive women. The court rejected the government’s claims that the sterilisations had been consensual and said poor record keeping in the hospitals had left the women with no defense, and rejected the government’s claims that the sterilizations had been consensual.

The court stopped short of ruling that the pattern of forced sterilizations of HIV-positive women in Namibia constituted discrimination and is yet to decide on the women’s demand of compensation amounting to US$150,000 (Sh12.5 million). In 2009, Rwanda was forced to withdraw a Bill that would have made AIDs-testing compulsory and permitted the forced sterilization for people deemed to be mentally disabled. Sterilisation is usually an irreversible operation. It is possible to have a tubal ligation reversed, but its success will depend on the method used. It is also a very costly affair and the success rate is usually not very promising